The Saudi-born blogger and outspoken advocate for normalizing ties with Israel sits down with Reset DOC to discuss about Hamas, rising antisemitism, and why peace hinges on new Palestinian leadership.
“I’m proud to be called a normalizer by the Muslim Brotherhood’s affiliates,” declares Dubai-based blogger Loay Alshareef, responding to criticism across the Arab world, where the majority still oppose full recognition of the State of Israel. A practicing Muslim of Saudi origin, Alshareef doesn’t shy away from controversy: he openly defines himself as a “Zionist” and regards the Abraham Accords not as a betrayal of the Palestinian cause, but as a pathway to peace. On June 11, 2025, the activist and influencer joined a roundtable in Bologna, Italy, on combating antisemitism – an event at which Reset DOC spoke with him about his views on the war in Gaza.
Since October 7, we’ve seen a global surge in antisemitic acts and rhetoric. From your perspective, what has changed, particularly in the Arab world?
A great deal has changed. Many people – though too late – are now recognizing October 7th for what truly it was: a terrorist attack. Just recently, one of Kuwait’s most prominent Islamists, Abdullah al-Nafisi, publicly admitted that he had told Hamas leaders their operation was an “adventure,” something that should never have happened (Editor’s note: In a recent interview with Al Jazeera Arabic, al-Nafisi said he had “significant reservations” about the Al-Aqsa Flood operation.) That kind of acknowledgment signals a shift. Today, Islamists are viewed with growing skepticism across the Arab world. Personally, I hope that this will be the last war in the region and that, inshallah, we will enter an era of peace.
Do you believe there is room in the Arab world for a public discourse that is both empathetic toward Palestinian civilians and critical of Hamas?
Yes. Although still limited, that space is expanding. Many Arabs and Muslims – including myself – feel sympathy for what’s happening in Gaza. Yet the blame, and the pressure, must be directed at those who started this war. Israel did not start the conflict and did not seek it. Throughout history, the party that didn’t initiate hostilities isn’t the one urged to end them. Had Hamas released the hostages and laid down their arms, the war could have ended yesterday.
Why do you think it remains so difficult to acknowledge that Hamas also harms Palestinians?
Many in the Arab and Muslim world are afraid of Hamas. We have to remember: Hamas is a mobster-like radical Islamist group. They target their opponents – and they can kill them. I don’t blame ordinary citizens who just want to survive and provide for their families. But even those who remain silent know what Hamas is. The deeper issue is fear, compoundend by more than seventy years of disinformation and misinformation – a narrative that cannot be reversed overnight. Still, it must be questioned and ultimately dismantled.
Today, criticism of Israel is often swiftly labeled as antisemitism, especially in international discourse. Do you think it’s still possible to distinguish the two?
Critiquing any government – including Israel’s – is legitimate. Yet in much of the Arab world, what’s labeled “criticism of Israel” often amounts to a call for its eradication. Opposing specific Israeli governments while affirming Israel’s right to exist is not antisemitism. But denying Israel’s very existence crosses that line and is, quite simply, antisemitism.
How can we draw a clearer line, particularly in the media and in public discourse?
The distinction is straightforward: criticism must not translate into calls for abolishing the world’s only Jewish state. Unfortunately, in much of the Arab world, that’s exactly what happens. People say, “Look at what Israel is doing,” and the solution they propose is dismantling the entire state. That’s like saying Pakistan should cease to exist because of its internal challenges. Both Pakistan and Israel were established in 1947 – though Israel, in a sense, was “reborn,” given its ancient roots. I might criticize Pakistan, but I would never advocate for its eradication. The same principle should apply to Israel.
You’ve previously described the Abraham Accords as a source of “hope” for the region. In light of the ongoing war, do you still see them that way – or are they at risk of losing their meaning?
Absolutely. Let me give you an example. Since the war began, about 42 percent of humanitarian aid entering Gaza has come from the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Why? Because the UAE has peace with Israel. That peace – made possible by the Abraham Accords – enabled coordination to deliver aid and even established a field hospital. None of that would have been possible without diplomatic ties. So yes, the Accords have directly helped innocent Palestinians – not Hamas. They laid the foundation for a more hopeful future, even if the current war has made that path harder. I don’t believe a Palestinian state is likely, but peace remains essential. This war must end – with the release of the hostages released and Hamas disarmed.
So, you no longer believe a Palestinian state is viable?
A Palestinian state cannot come first. That would be a mistake under current conditions. The priority must be establishing a Palestinian leadership that embraces three core principles: first, recognition of Israel’s right to exist; second, a genuine willingness to live peacefully alongside it; and third, an end to the indoctination of children with hatred. If such a leadership emerged, I truly believe many Israelis would take to the streets in support of a two-state solution. But today, neither Hamas nor the corrupt Palestinian Authority meets those basic criteria.
Turning to the normalization process between Israel and Saudi Arabia: Saudi officials have said they won’t recognize Israel without a Palestinian state. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has condemned the situation in Gaza as a form of “collective genocide.” What are your thoughts?
The Crown Prince has called for an irreversible roadmap toward a Palestinian state – and that’s a fair and diplomatic position. He leads the most influential Muslim country in the world, and I believe he’s genuinely a man of peace. I trust his committment to finding a viable path forward. I can’t speak for him, but from what I know – and from those close to him – he has both the intention and the ability to help steer the region toward peace.
When and how could this deadlock be resolved?
Just three months ago, no one would have imagined that Mohammed bin Salman could help broker progress in Syria, but he did. He made it happen. He’s a powerful leader, and I believe he has the potential to help deliver real progress for the Palestinians as well. Before October 7, many gains were within reach. That attack derailed everything.
In light of the devastation in Gaza, the scale of civilian suffering – over 55,000 deaths – and allegations of indiscriminate attacks and war crimes, how do you now assess Israel’s conduct in this war?
This is a horrific war. But we have to go back to October 6. There was a ceasefire. There was no war. Then Hamas launched a brutal attack, killing 1,200 civilians – many at a music festival, many in their homes – and they filmed it. I do not justify every action taken by the Israeli army, but this war could have ended yesterday if Hamas had surrendered. The responsability lies with Hamas – not at the IDF.
What would you say to a young Arab and a young Israeli growing up today amid polarization, violence, and online hatred?
Learn from Europe. We’re having this conversation in Italy – once occupied by the Nazis – where Rome’s Great Synagogue bore a sign placed by the Germans, later taken down by American liberators. This continent once witnessed unspeakable horrors. Yet today, you can travel from Rome to Milan, Paris, Amsterdam, and Berlin without borders. There’s an Israeli embassy in Berlin – and a German one in Israel. That gives me hope. Civilized societies can move on. They can learn from the past and build peace for the generations to come. So should we.
Cover photo: A frame from one of Loay Alshareef’s YouTube videos.
Follow us on Facebook, Twitter and LinkedIn to see and interact with our latest contents.
If you like our stories, events, publications and dossiers, sign up for our newsletter (twice a month).