Search Results for: Mohammed Hashas
  • Mohammed Hashas, LUISS University of Rome 3 January 2014
    History says a lot about the relationships between Europe and the “broad Middle East,” to preliminarily use the term to mean the Islamic majority countries of North Africa and the Middle East (MENA), and a good part of Asia – from Morocco to Indonesia. The dichotomy of comparing a geographical entity, Europe, with a religious entity, Islam, bears a lot of historical-political tension, and simultaneously conveys the mindset that accepts comparing two entities on two different grounds. Such a “wrong” and “politicized” way of comparisons needs to change, seeing the changes taking place in the Mediterranean basin and world politics.
  • Mohammed Hashas 9 September 2013
    Thomas Friedman wrote on New York Times on 07 September 2013 a piece entitled “Same War, Different Country”, in which he justifies the US (coming) intervention in Syria after the Assad army has been accused of using chemical weapons against civilians on 21 August 2013. While Assad’s brutal force has clearly caused terrible damage to the country and its people since 2011, I seize the occasion to make few notes about Friedman’s reasoning for going into a war for that matter. Some earlier solution could have been found, any time before August 2013. A military intervention does not seem the right solution, and the reasoning that fuels it seems the most inadequate and unreasonable.
  • Mohammed Hashas 26 July 2012
    Like most Moroccans, I am concerned with the way the new Constitution will be interpreted and implemented. Political, social and economic problems seem in the forefront of the debate, and so is the issue of identity and Islamicity of the State. Most Moroccans are happy that Islam is kept and mentioned in the new Constitution as ‘the religion of the State’, instead of ‘Morocco is a Muslim country’ as some liberal voices were trying to push for, and the King is the Emir of the Believers and Highest religious authority. For most Moroccans, the new constitution guards the religiosity of the country and its Islamic identity. However, this same aspect bears a challenge within. The same new Constitution that states that Islam is the religion of the State, and is stressed in the Preamble, in Article 3, Article 175; it, however, also says that it protects minority beliefs and freedom of worship, as expressed in Article 3, and Freedoms and Basic Rights section, in Article 25.
  • 2 July 2012
    The Sources of Political Legitimacy. From the Erosion of the Nation-State to the Rise of Political Islam  
  • Mohammed Hashas, Copenhagen University – Denmark 18 April 2012
    Broadly, Morocco has been experiencing reform since the 1990s, but mainly since the coming of Mohammed VI to power in 1999. These reform endeavors have improved women’s rights, civil and human rights, press freedom, the business environment, social development, and education. For many, then, the most recent reforms that culminated in the constitution of July 2011, were in the making well before the Arab Spring began. Moroccan leaders acknowledge that the peaceful demonstrations provided an energetic force for its citizens to express their views on reforms under way in Morocco, henceforth hastening the pace of their implementation. Yet, resentment at extreme corruption at all levels in Moroccan society, mostly fed by the governing elite and the monarch’s entourage, economic unfairness and political exclusion brought hundreds of thousands onto the streets in Morocco in the spring of 2011, following the waves of Arab Spring started in Tunisia and Egypt. Although calls for the “end of the regime” were less widespread than in other countries, there was no mistaking the force of the public desire for meaningful reform. Although the response was mild by the standards of some countries, police broke up some demonstrations causing some injuries to members of the public.  
  • Mohammed Hashas 31 January 2011
    I am Tunisian in this cause. I belong to the region that has been the focus of international events for the last couples of decades – let alone the recent past of colonialism, etc. Belonging to the Arab world makes you affected by the national, regional, and international events maybe more than other countries in the world. The Tunisian case concerns me because the political and economic situation in the whole region depends on the political systems that these countries are. In what remains of this succinct feedback on “Tunisia Big Move” I sketch out general remarks of why I am interested, and how should the future political life in Tunisia and the region flourish.
  • Alessandro Ferrara, University of Rome Tor Vergata 23 March 2015
    Along with the idea of "secularization", the theory of "modernization" has been recently questioned as yet another by-product of the Englightenment linear view of history. Drawing on Max and Alfred Weber's comparative work, on Karl Jaspers' notion of an axial age which encompasses a plurality of ancient civilizations, Shmuel Eisenstadt, Johan Arnason, Jan Assman, Björn Wittrock and a number of other leading social theorists have put forward a new framework for making sense of global history, known under the heading of "multiple modernities". In this paper, I will highlight some of the questions that the "multiple modernities" approach can generate in the specific field of political philosophy. Assuming that we can distinguish formal democracy as a set of procedures that can merely ritually be paid lip service to from "democracy with a democratic spirit", can we disentangle the "spirit of democracy" from its original roots in the culture of radical protestantism and envisage a plurality of "cultures of democracy" anchored to various civilizational bedrocks? Are "multiple democracies" genuinely viable versions of the same model of political order, or are they way-stations towards the Western modern form of liberal democracy?
  • Mohammed Hashas 8 May 2014
    The gloomy path the so-called Arab Spring has taken in some countries affected by the revolts has furthered the idea that Morocco is an exception in an oasis of turmoil, insecurity, sectarianism and social disunity. While it is very true to say and also see special features of the country’s especially socio-cultural and political features that a far rich past has ingrained in its population, current Moroccan exceptionalism is, however, a double-edged argument in the sense that it can be a praise or a vilification. To understand this label of exceptionalism, a different question that is more direct can be posed: is Morocco democratizing? Or, how is Moroccan democracy?
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