People that organize protests in the streets, the “Square People”, seem to create a re-legitimation of the status quo rather than positive change, says Ivan Krastev: today’s street protests are not necessarily a sign of more democratisation but signalise political mistrust and a disconnection between protest and representation. On the other hand, it feeds populism on a global scale by leaving aside the traditional political parties.
Cultures need to learn from each other and so does democratic theory. We need new tools, democratic tools to tame violence, says Ramin Jahanbegloo from York University, Toronto and it is Gandhi who can inspire us once again. And we need democratic passion, civic education and cross cultural, non-violent ideas.
Western political systems are moving from party politics to “the” personal party, with emphasis on strong leadership. The Italian case with Silvio Berlusconi’s personal party, Beppe Grillo and now Matteo Renzi’s “best of” populist interpretation, is an interesting case for this new kind of neo-populism within Democracies, says Mauro Calise and it differs from former populist models, defined by their strong communal roots.
Making revolutions and facing modernity was easier for Shia Muslims then for Sunnis, says Prof. Arjomand from N.Y. State University. The Shia attendance for the Madhi helped in mobilizing people and create the Iranian constitution. Instead Sunni Islam is more conservative and hostile against change, with religious reactions against state building, constitutionalism and modernity. And what about comparing the religious differences to those of the religious wars in medieval Europe?
The Dalits, once the caste of the untouchables, are still denied the fundamental rights to education and medical reservation. This applies in particular to the more then 21 million Christian Dalits in India, says Rowena Robinson from the Indian Institute of Technology in Bombay, stressing that the denial of these fundamental human rights could become an even worse problem in the future by recreating generations of uneducated young, poor Christian Indians.
Does cultural and religious difference mean an inherent tendency to violence in diasporic societies? No, says Engseng Ho from Duke University, on the contrary in port cities where people from all cultures interact in diasporic societies a lack of systematic violence is the norm. Problems are others.
In Indonesia we have limited separation of state and religion, strong Ulema councils and also pluralism, democracy and fair elections, says Syafiq Hyasim, founder of Rahima Foundation. He researches theological answers ‘within’ Islam. Specifically, two issues: women’s rights and polygamy and the necessity to train female ulemas.
Four years after the “Jasmin Revolution” in Tunisia and in the wake of the Nobel Peace Prize 2015 awarded to the Tunisian civil society, there is still the need to understand the deep causes and challenges of this exceptional success story in the Arab world. Tunisian scholars and activists interviewed by Reset-Doc analyze the key events and features of their country democratic transition, trying to provide answers to the many questions and problems still open today with regards to economy, youth, social justice and inequalities.
The Tunisian revolution has developed in a very different way in comparison to other countries involved in the Arab springs. Tunisian thinkers interviewed by Reset-DoC analyse the reasons that brought his country to undertake a peaceful democratic transition in spite of its severe economic and social problems: among these reasons there is the fundamental role of Tunisia’s civil society, awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015.
Many from my generation believed that religion would disappear – instead it came back – politicized, modern, militant and anti-liberal. So what happened to secular nations as Algeria, India and Israel, where we can observe a violent return of religion, asks Michael Walzer: was it a mistake not to engage critically with religious culture?
Is there an “Islamic State”? And can religiosity exist without freedom? No!, claims Islamic theologian Adnane Mokrani from Rome’s PISAI Institute and gives a political and historical explanation of why a secular State represents a real opportunity of religious freedom for Muslims
Quale è l’identità dello “Stato Islamico”? Può esistere una religiosità senza libertà? Ci risponde, Mokrani con una sua analisi politico storica della realtà dell’Islam, che ci mostra la strada verso una vera laicità.